Upholding Ghana’s foreign policy in an increasingly volatile world

In recent years, the landscape of international relations has grown increasingly volatile, defined by shifting alliances, trade disputes, and rising tensions among major powers. 

For Ghana, foreign policy is not simply about participating on the world stage; it is a profound expression of our national identity and the principles we uphold.

This article seeks to offer a reflective examination of Ghana’s foreign policy, its historical roots, its guiding values, and, most importantly, the need to continually align our international engagements with the realities of an ever-changing world, while protecting the core values of our foreign policy objectives.

Foreign policy, according to the American scholar of international politics, Prof. W. Scott Thompson (1969), “is something more than the statement of a government’s international intentions …. [It is] the combination of statecraft and statesmen, negotiation and diplomats, and of all the constituent elements used to project a nation’s image and safeguard its interests abroad.”

Such policies “are not made in a vacuum…. [but] are made in relation to other bodies similarly acting in the global arena” (Reynolds, 1971).

They are influenced by several factors such as history, security, trade, ideological inclinations, political interest, leadership and national interest.

The case of Ghana, is not different.

Our foreign policy did not just emerge at the dawn of independence, but is the result of several historical factors, and has developed through a systematic process predating our independence. 

Indeed, Ghana’s approach towards regional integration, dates far back before our independence.

As early as the 1900s, our forebears, including the renowned author and educator, Jospeh Ephraim Casely Hayford, and the revered and astute lawyer, Joseph Boakye Danquah, advocated for a United West Africa, which they envisaged will “take her true part among the nations of the earth” (Kimble, 1963). 

Our first President, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, building on this, called for a United Africa, re-echoed in the oft-quoted phrase in his independence speech that “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa.”

In addition to a united Africa, good neighbourliness has, always, been a key feature of Ghana’s foreign policy.

This is not just imperative for national security, but a necessary lever for economic cooperation and the realisation of other foreign policy objectives. 

It is for this reason that all Ghanaian governments, since independence, have maintained good neighbourliness as a core objective of our foreign policy.

In today’s globalised world, our neighbours go beyond our immediate borders.

It now embraces, in the words of Lord Atkin in the celebrated English case of Donoghue v Stevenson [1932] AC 562 at 580, all those “[nations] who are so closely and directly affected by [our] act that [we] ought reasonably to have them in contemplation as being affected when [we are] directing [our] minds to the acts or omissions which are called in question.”

Outside the continent, our founders maintained “positive neutralism” or non-alignment, as the fulcrum of our foreign policy. Shortly after independence, then Prime Minister, Dr Nkrumah, explained in his article titled ‘African Prospect’, that, “…there are, above all, three traits that should be stressed…

The first is our desire to see Africa free and independent.

The second is our determination to pursue foreign policies based upon non-alignment.

The third is our urgent need for economic development.” Successive Ghanaian governments have strived to stay true to this policy, ensuring that we are friends of all nations, and enemies to none. 

Another core value of our foreign policy that has been given constitutional backing is national interest.

Scholars have argued that Dr Kwame Nkrumah’s quest for an ideological clamour to our foreign policy affected his objective view of our actual national interest.

As Peter Omari bluntly put it “Nkrumah sacrificed Ghana on the altar of Pan-Africanism” (Omari, 1970). Others have vehemently held a contrary view, and the jury is still out there on this matter.  

It was for this reason that the framers of the 1969 Constitution inserted article 57, which enjoined Ghanaian governments, while conducting their international affairs in consonance with accepted principles of international law and diplomacy, to do so “in a manner consistent with the national interests of Ghana.”

This provision was repeated in article 11 of the 1979 Constitution, and now articles 40(a) and 73 of our current national Constitution.

Today, these two provisions of our national Constitution constitute the bedrock of our foreign policy, which includes, the promotion and protection of national interest, the establishment of a just and equitable international economic order, respect for international law and treaty obligations, peaceful settlement of international disputes, and adherence to the objectives and principles of multinational organisations such as the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Commonwealth.  

The Constitution of Ghana does not expressly define “national interest”, and the Supreme Court has been careful not to restrict its meaning (See CPIL v AG [2012] DLSC 6398).

However, the Court has pointed to Article 35(2) as instructive (See Brogya Gyamfi v AG [2020] DLSC 8803).

For anything to be in the national interest, therefore, such actions must “protect and safeguard the independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ghana, and seek the well-being of her citizens ” (Article 35(2)).

Closely related to national interest is economic diplomacy, which ensures that we organise our international relations in a manner that attracts foreign assistance and investment for the development of our nation. Even though it has, always, been part of our foreign policy, economic diplomacy became more prominent in Ghana’s foreign policy in the 1980s.

While Ghana’s foreign policy has consistently championed principles such as Pan-Africanism, non-alignment, and economic cooperation, its direction and emphasis have often reflected the personal convictions and strategic preferences of those entrusted with leadership. Despite broad consensus on the core objectives, the unique ideas, knowledge, the priorities of successive governments have introduced variations in approach, leading to some degree of inconsistency.

For instance, studies have shown that our approach towards regional integration has moved from rapid political unification in the early days of our independence, to what is now known as functional economic integration.

Our relationship with our neighbours is, also said to have moved from a tensed and antagonistic one to a more cordial and collaborative approach (Siaw, 2021), while our non-alignment policy is, also, said to have moved from militant non-alignment to modest and minimalist commitment to alignment, with different governments showing pro-West or pro-East tendencies (Tieku and Odoom, 2012).

President John Agyekum Kufuor (2001–2009), for example, is widely known to have prioritised economic interests as a central pillar of Ghana’s foreign policy (D.K. Osei, 2020), placing the private sector at the heart of Ghana’s economic transformation.

His vision was to create an enabling environment that would attract foreign direct investment, stimulate private enterprise, and integrate Ghana more competitively into the global economy. 

He actively marketed Ghana on the global stage, often personally leading investment promotion missions abroad. His administration was famously branded as “The Golden Age of Business”, which encapsulated his commitment to positioning Ghana as a welcoming environment for both local and international businesses (Asare, 2023).

President Kufuor’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, who led the implementation of Ghana’s foreign policy between 2003 and 2007, returned to the global stage as President of Ghana from 2017 to 2025, expanding this legacy to meet the demands of a changing world.

President Akufo-Addo’s tenure was defined by a strong commitment to Pan-Africanism, regional economic integration, democratic values, and the strategic advancement of Ghana’s global presence (Mustapha Sanah, 2020).

Under President Akufo-Addo’s administration, Ghana took on prominent roles in major international organisations, including the United Nations, the African Union, and ECOWAS. As two-term consecutive Chair of ECOWAS, President Akufo-Addo played a pivotal leadership role in guiding the sub-region through periods of political turbulence and efforts towards economic recovery.

One of the most significant achievements of President Akufo-Addo’s tenure was Ghana’s successful bid to host the Secretariat of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The AfCFTA, now the largest free trade area in the world measured by the number of countries participating presents an unparalleled opportunity for Ghana to emerge as a leading regional trade hub (Maliszewska et al, 2020).

As host the AfCFTA Secretariat, Ghana positioned herself as a gateway to the African market, offering foreign investors a unique advantage to access a continental trading bloc of over 1.2 billion people with a combined GDP of US$2.5 trillion.

The above examples attest to the fact that leadership is key to the success of every nation’s foreign policy. Nonetheless, we cannot leave our foreign policy entirely to the whims and wishes of individual leaders.

Recent events across the globe have revealed the imminent danger in such an approach.

We must, therefore, stay true to the core values and objectives of our foreign policy as have been developed over the years, and as enshrined in our national Constitution. 

Today, we are faced with the issue of military takeovers in the three countries to our northern border, namely, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, and their recent breakaway from the ECOWAS, to form a new bloc called the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

Undoubtedly, events in these countries are likely to impact us, and it is imperative that we engage the leaders of these nations, and work with the international community to deal with this delicate matter.

Even as we promote good neighbourliness, evident in the continued free movement of goods and people with these countries despite their exit from ECOWAS, we must remain mindful of our constitutional duty to uphold the principles and objectives of the United Nations, the African Union, and ECOWAS, and to support their swift return to democratic governance.

Beyond our continent, Ghana’s voice must resonate on global conflicts, including the Russia-Ukraine war, the Israel-Palestine crisis, and the recent exchange of strikes between Israel and Iran.

We remain non-aligned, but as our first President said, “non-alignment does not imply indifference to the great issues of our day. It does not imply isolationism.”

We must not look on for powerful states to exploit this situation to annex foreign jurisdictions, or as they put it, to take over foreign territories. Both the United Nations Charter (article 2(4)) and the United Nations Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States prohibit the acquisition of territories by threats or use of force.

Indeed, this principle has assumed what practitioners of public international law refer to as “jus cogens,” meaning it is so fundamental that no derogation is permitted, and we are enjoined by article 40 of our national Constitution to promote respect for this law.

As a country, we must rise up and speak against the inhumane treatment of foreign nationals by other nations, including the mistreatment and mass deportations currently taking place in the United States.

Earlier this year, the African Union held its Thirty -Eighth (38th) Ordinary Session on the theme “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent through

Reparations.” While consistent calls for reparations for historical injustice go unheeded, it is unacceptable for our people who are victims of this historical injustice to continue to be treated in this manner by the same people who have contributed to their plight.

It is, also, unacceptable for powerful nations that have historically driven the climate crisis, and remain its principal contributors, to abandon their financial obligations and retreat from international accords designed to safeguard the planet and future generations.

We must call out such nations, and ensure that we all work together towards a common future. 

For just as great leaders are made in times of adversity, great nations are made in times of difficulties.

As a respected member of the international community, we must make our voices heard on these important international matters.

It is undeniable, that external economic assistance continues to impact our foreign policies, tilting them one way or the other.

But we cannot, as a country, sacrifice our goals and aspirations for economic assistance.

That is why we must continue to work to diversify our economy and promote a self-reliant Ghana to ensure adherence to the core values of our foreign policy, without fear of economic crisis. 

The international system is inherently dynamic, and our foreign policy formulation must be equally adaptable. A developing country like ours should pursue a foreign policy that meets both domestic and international goals, and favours all actors in the international community.

I wish to conclude, by paying glowing tribute to our country’s Foreign Ministers who have worked tirelessly, over the years, to promote Ghana’s foreign policy objectives.

I refer to Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (1957-1958, 1962-1963), Ebenezer Kojo Botsio (1958-1959, 1963-1965), Ako Adjei (1959-1960, 1961-1962), Alhaji Imoru Egala (1960 to 1961), Alex Quaisson-Sackey (1965-1966), Lt. General Joseph Arthur Ankrah (1966-1967); John Willie Kofi Harley (1967-1968); Patrick Dankwa Anin (1969); Victor Owusu (1969-1971), William Ofori-Atta (1971-1972), Major General Nathan Apea Aferi (1972), Colonel Kwame R. M. Baah (1972-1975), Colonel Roger Joseph Atogetipoli Felli (1975-1979), Isaac Kodwo Chinebuah (1979-1981), Dr. Obed Yao Asamoah (1982-1997), Prof. Kwamena Ahwoi (1997), James Victor Gbeho (1997-2001), Hackman Owusu Agyeman (2001-2003), Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo (2003-2007), Akwasi Osei Adjei (2007- 2009), Mohammed Mumuni (2009-2013), H.E. Hanna Serwaa Tetteh (2013-2017), and H.E. Shirley Ayorkor Botchwey (2017-2025).

While honouring the distinguished legacy of our past Foreign Ministers, it is fitting to warmly congratulate our new Foreign Minister, Hon. Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, and I urge him to serve with integrity and courage in advancing Ghana’s stature as the true Black Star of Africa.
Long live the Republic of Ghana!

The writer is a former Deputy Chief of Staff and former Minister of Lands And Natural Resources.  He currently serves as the Member of Parliament for Damongo Constituency and Ranking Member for the Foreign Affairs Committee of Parliament.