Prospects of an ‘Independent’ President in Ghana

All elected heads of state since 1960 have been sponsored by political parties.

The 1992 Constitution does not frown on ‘independent’ candidates aspiring for the highest office of the land.

A number of independent candidates have, accordingly, exercised that right, though the outcome has been inconsequential.

Over the last 32 years, our presidents have been sponsored by either the NDC or the NPP.

However, the 2023 NPP presidential primaries moved the matter of independent presidential candidate to the front burner because of the calibre of some of the personalities involved.

Alan goes independent

After placing third in the first round of the primaries, Alan Kyerematen resigned to contest the 2024 presidential election as an independent candidate.

The NPP founding member and a long-time cabinet minister, who had promised to strengthen party structures by paying stipends to party executives if he won the party’s ticket, suddenly realised political party was not the appropriate vehicle for prosecuting his Great Transformation Plan.     

Clamour for independent Ken

Kennedy Agyapong is another stalwart of the NPP; very well-resourced and a firebrand.

He has since the year 2000 won six successive parliamentary elections.

He garnered an impressive 37 per cent of votes to place second in the primaries.

The ‘show down’ man had not complained about rigging or any underhand dealings in the primaries.

Yet, days afterwards, some supporters held a press conference clamouring for Kennedy to go independent.

Barely a week into 2024, another chap has announced his candidacy, declaring he is “god send to break the duopoly” (of NPP and NDC).

It’s too early to tell if he will be the last ‘independent candidate’ for December 2024.

Early days of Fourth Republic

Whether voluntary or induced, is independent candidacy a viable proposition in today’s Ghana?

In the early days of the Fourth Republic, independent and ‘small’ party candidates were tolerated as some made it to Parliament. 

On the presidential front, none of them caused a stir.

However, the total votes they attracted was so significant that Presidents Kufuor and Attah Mills had to be elected after a run-off.

Epoch

That was  an epoch that ended over a decade ago.

The only independent MP today is a dyed-in-the-wool party man; not the typical independent MP.

He opted for the independent route when he faced head wings during the primaries, in the process, he did not only save his seat but also ensured that his party, the NPP, occupied the majority side in Parliament.

The situation is worse for ‘small’ political parties; even the CPP, founded by Osagyefo  Dr Kwame Nkrumah, does not boast of a single MP, not even for the founder’s home constituency. 

Polarised society

Independent politicians, those not sponsored by political parties in their quest for political office, are fast fading from the radar as the populace has coalesced around the NPP and the NDC; the fraction of ‘non-attached voters is so negligible that they hardly pass for a ‘Third Force’ or ‘king-makers’ in the event of a run-off. In December 2020, the quantum of rejected votes exceeded that of the third largest party.

The duopoly is best felt in the national discourse; every public issue is viewed through a partisan prism; From okada and galamsey to free senior high school, teacher licensure examination to 24-hour economy, the ‘Ghana Card’ had to endure bouts of shadow boxing before its acceptance.

Even district level elections, in which political party participation is barred by the 1992 Constitution, is today, patently partisan, turning the entire country into one huge ostrich farm! What, then, are the prospects of an independent presidential candidate? What are the chances of an independent candidate making it to the Jubilee (Flagstaff?) House in January 2025?

‘Skirt and blouse’

The recent phenomenon of ‘skirt and blouse’, in which a voter votes for parliamentary and presidential candidates of different political colours,  provides a glimmer of hope not only for ‘independents’ but also candidates of ‘small’ parties. In December  2020, President Akufo-Addo polled some 200,000 more votes than all NPP parliamentary candidates while NDC candidates together garnered 30,000 votes more than their flagbearer. 

But a candidate who gains from ‘skirt and blouse’ must be one whose name and facial identities have a nationwide spread.

That is where political parties have an advantage; party executives, from polling stations and constituencies, ‘sell’ their candidate to hamlets and villages around the country.

Such door-to-door ‘retailing’ is more effective because it is led by a parliamentary candidate who has every reason to be committed to the cause; s/he is an active participant, not a supporter or sympathiser. S/he prosecutes the campaign with resources complemented by those from headquarters, not the other way round. 

In the heat of the campaign, no presidential candidate spends a total of 24 hours in one constituency.

They will address a rally and, possibly, do a couple of whistle stops in the constituency.

It is the 276 parliamentary candidates who sell the bulk of the flagbearer’s wares, as they move round the constituencies several times over.

This is where the independent presidential candidate is short-changed.

S/he relies on ‘coordinators’ for this leg-work.

The motivation of a coordinator comes nowhere near that of a parliamentary candidate.

In any case, only angelic coordinators will apply all resources sent them for the campaign!

An ‘independent’ presidency in today’s Ghana may appear unlikely but not entirely impossible.

The consequences, however, could be one not envisaged by the framers of the 1992 Constitution.

Assuming that an independent candidate successfully mobilises a kaleidoscope of monarch butterflies, or a flock of cockerels, or a grove of palm trees, etc. around the country and gets elected as president of the republic.

How does s/he form a cabinet?

The 1992 constitution provides that there shall be a cabinet of 19 and 16 regional ministers.

A president, who had campaigned on a ‘lean government’ mantra, opts for 35 ministers, 18, just 18 of which should be MPs.

Ordinarily, any MP would jump at an opportunity to serve in the cabinet.

That is when the president won on their party’s ticket.

Lobbying for cabinet position would be conceivable, under such circumstances.

The dynamics get convoluted in the case of ‘independent’ president.

Is an Mp obliged to serve in the cabinet of a president whose philosophy/ideology s/he does not share? Will an edict from the NDC or NPP barring their MPs from serving on that cabinet be in breach of the constitution? Can an MP who defies such party directive be sanctioned by their party? 

Legislative approval

Approval of the 2024 Budget and Appropriations Bill must make ‘independent’ aspirants sit up.

At one stage, no NPP Mp could afford to see the doctor or travel outside the country when parliament was in session.

That was a party with ‘majority’ in the house.

The fate of an independent president’s Economic Policy and Budget should better be imagined than described. 
The numbers in parliament were such that, the minority could challenge the speaker’s ruling on a voice vote and demand for a head count or division.

(Some authorities have since questioned the propriety of legislative approval for a government’s economic policy).

That call would have been unthinkable between 2017 and 2020 when the majority boasted of 169 members in the 275-man house.

What would have been the fate of economic policy and budget proposals of an ‘independent’ president? 

Conclusion

Several acts and courses of actions are permissible, under the 1992 Constitution.

However, not all are expedient! As the December 2024 general election draw snear, let prospective independent presidential candidates and supporters alike look before they leap!  

The writer is a retired lecturer
Email: ohenpong@yahoo.com