LGBTQ issues in Ghanaian society: What is the way forward with government leadership?

Public debate over LGBTQ issues has intensified in Ghana in recent years, reflecting deep tensions between cultural values, religious convictions, human rights discourse, and global political pressures. 

In Ghanaian society, same-sex relationships are widely frowned upon, rooted in long-standing cultural norms, religious beliefs, and existing legal frameworks (Assimeng, 2010; Ghana Statistical Service [GSS], 2021). The challenge confronting the nation is not merely whether Ghana approves or disapproves of LGBTQ practices, but how the state can lead responsibly, preserving social cohesion while upholding constitutional order and human dignity.

Ghana remains a deeply religious society. According to the 2021 Population and Housing Census, more than 70 per cent of Ghanaians identify as Christians, with a significant Muslim population and adherents of African Traditional Religion (GSS, 2021). Across these traditions, heterosexual marriage and procreation are regarded as normative moral ideals. Consequently, public resistance to LGBTQ practices is not simply political; it is cultural and theological in nature (Pew Research Centre, 2020). Any sustainable national response must therefore take this moral landscape seriously.

At the same time, Ghana operates under a constitutional democracy that guarantees human dignity and fundamental freedoms. International human rights frameworks, to which Ghana is a signatory, increasingly frame sexual orientation as a rights issue, placing pressure on states to reform laws and social attitudes (United Nations Human Rights Council [UNHRC], 2019). This creates a tension between external normative expectations and internal moral consensus, a tension that cannot be resolved through confrontation or silence alone.

The way forward requires measured government leadership, anchored in law, dialogue, and social stability. First, the state must clarify its legal position. Ghana’s Criminal Offences Act reflects long-standing moral norms, and any legal reform must follow constitutional processes and broad public consultation rather than external coercion (Republic of Ghana, 1960/2003). Government leadership in this area should emphasise rule of law and national sovereignty, ensuring that changes—if any—are determined by Ghanaians themselves.

Second, government must distinguish clearly between moral disapproval and unlawful violence. While Ghanaian society may reject LGBTQ practices on moral grounds, this does not justify harassment, mob justice, or dehumanisation. Research in social ethics consistently shows that moral disagreement does not require social hostility (Kohlberg, 1984). The state has a responsibility to protect all citizens from violence while allowing society to debate moral issues peacefully.

Third, public education and dialogue are essential. Polarisation thrives where issues are framed in extremes. Studies in social cohesion suggest that open, guided dialogue reduces fear, misinformation, and social fragmentation (Habermas, 1996). Government, in collaboration with religious bodies, traditional authorities, and civil society, can create forums for civic education that explain Ghana’s laws, cultural values, and constitutional principles without inflaming tensions.

Fourth, the role of religion and culture must be acknowledged, not dismissed. In Ghana, churches, mosques, and traditional institutions remain key moral formers. Research shows that policies aligned with deeply held cultural values are more sustainable than those imposed without social consensus (Assimeng, 2010). Government leadership should therefore engage religious councils and traditional leaders as stakeholders in shaping public responses, rather than treating them as obstacles.

Finally, Ghana’s response must prioritise national unity and social stability. Comparative studies in African governance indicate that rapid moral policy shifts without public consensus often deepen division and erode trust in institutions (Pew Research Center, 2020). A gradual, consultative, and legally grounded approach offers a more sustainable path than reactive legislation or confrontational activism.

In conclusion, the LGBTQ debate in Ghana is not simply about sexuality; it is about governance, culture, morality, and national identity. The way forward lies neither in uncritical adoption of external agendas nor in violent rejection of dissenting views. Rather, it requires firm but humane government leadership—leadership that upholds Ghana’s laws, respects cultural and religious values, protects human dignity, and preserves social cohesion.

How Ghana navigates this issue will signal not only its moral priorities but also its maturity as a democratic society capable of managing deep disagreement without losing its soul.

References (APA Style);

Assimeng, J. M. (2010). Religion and social change in West Africa. Accra, Ghana: Woeli Publishing Services.

Ghana Statistical Service. (2021). 2021 Population and Housing Census: General report, volume 3C—Religion. Accra, Ghana: GSS.

Habermas, J. (1996). Between facts and norms: Contributions to a discourse theory of law and democracy. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Kohlberg, L. (1984). Essays on moral development: Vol. 2. The psychology of moral development. San Francisco, CA: Harper & Row.

Pew Research Centre. (2020). Attitudes toward homosexuality in Africa. Washington, DC: Pew Research Centre.

Republic of Ghana. (1960/2003). Criminal Offences Act, 1960 (Act 29). Accra, Ghana: Government of Ghana.

United Nations Human Rights Council. (2019). Report on sexual orientation and gender identity. Geneva: United Nations.